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racism

Tuesday 19 June 2012

The politics of language are rich here as they advance a multicultural, conservative, colorblind racial agenda that imposes contemporary standards onto the past in an effort to remove the grounds of historical grievance in the present. Melvinia did not give birth to a “biracial” child. She was raped and had a black child who would be considered human property unless freed by his “father.” The Slaveocracy and America’s racial order was based on the “one-drop rule” where a child’s racial status and freedom was determined by that of the mother. Thus, a white man (and slave owner) could rape, exploit, and do as he wished with black women (and men). The children would be born slaves. The logic of hypodescent was also operative as well. Race is not about the reality of genetic makeup and admixture. Racial identity is about perceptions by the in-group regarding who belongs and who does not. Slavery, Race, and Reunion: The NY Times White Washes the Rape of Michelle Obama’s Ancestors (Again)

Wednesday 30 May 2012

The social control problem of the 1970s was decidedly different. It was as much if not more Northern and Southern, it was as much if not more urban than agrarian – indeed the urban race riots of the late 1960s and early 70s were a key precipitating event, alongside racial mutinies on the front lines of Vietnam, the rise of the Black Panthers, and the civil rights struggle. But in the background, the key political-economic shift was not from slave to proletariat, but from proletariat to lumpenproletariat. The flight of middle class blacks from desegregating inner cities, deindustrialization, the loss of jobs in the North, and increasingly concentrated urban unemployment among black males produced a surplus labor population. The role of the criminal justice system in this context was to police an underclass, not make workers out of slaves. And it became increasingly so as other, more benign, modes of social control – like welfare, public housing – sputtered. This new carceral regime invovled the state taking on direct responsibility for control of a population now that it lacked a strong tie to economic life. And it did so by criminalizing one of its few economic activities: drugs. The war on drugs was the pivotal instrument for introducing this new form of social control. It not only massively increased the prison population, but subjected them, and urban black communities more widely, to the continual supervision of public coercive authority. The Political Economy of Mass Incarceration

Sunday 27 May 2012

Since the mid-60s Republicans have seen an electoral opportunity in appealing to the basest, racist sentiments of a section of the white electorate. What became known as the “Nixon strategy” aimed to use the dog whistle of racial symbolism – like “Welfare Queens” and “Willie Horton” – to draw white southerners into the Republican fold and peel off disaffected whites in the north too. It worked. Since the second world war, Democrats have won the presidency with the white vote alone only once – in 1964. One of the appeals for some whites of voting Republican is a desire to maintain whatever limited racial privileges they have acquired over the years combined with a fear that what little they have will be taken away by feckless non-whites and undocumented migrants. While in Nevada in 2010 I asked a white Republican without health insurance why she wouldn’t support a candidate who might give it to her. “I never really got into that Obamacare insurance stuff,” she said. “My mind is focusing 250% on this illegal immigration.” None of this means all Republican supporters are racist. But it does suggest they make their appeal on racial grounds and, as the poll shows, it is effective. Gary Younge

Sunday 1 April 2012

Many would like to believe that race doesn’t matter. That we as a country have moved beyond disliking others because of the color of their skin and instead feel free to despise people for the content of their wallet. This is not the case. Trayvon Martin, the young black boy, hunted, and gunned down, was killed in his “gated community” not on the “streets”. Regardless of his family’s “class” which allowed them to take their kids snowboarding, fishing, and provided them with a home in a suburban gated area, their young black boy was still gunned down — their economic status did not change George Zimmerman’s or society’s perception of a young black boy in a hoodie. Our Collective Truth: Race Matters

It is predictable that conservatives are complaining about too much attention being paid to the shooting of Trayvon Martin. There is no racial problem that I know of that conservatives would like more attention paid to. Think about it. The Trayvon Martin case becomes a big story and suddenly conservatives want to focus on the murder rate in our cities? When was the last time they cared about that? They care about it if it will help them win an argument. But actually doing something about it, by ending the drug war or equalizing school funding, well, that’s too much to expect. For the conservative movement, race is not a serious issue affecting real people on a daily basis. It is something to be used to win an argument. As Drum said, liberals use race as a cudgel at times too. The great difference is that, generally, liberals take the reality of racism seriously, while conservatives do not. Jesse Curtis

Is the threshold for avoiding a charge of prejudice really as low as having a few Black friends? And, while we’re at it, did you tell those Black people when you befriended them that they’d be serving as your get-out-of-racism-free card? Sam Sommers

Saturday 31 March 2012

So this is who we are now: a nation that doesn’t give a damn for anybody else, because Trayvon Martin was wearing a hoodie, after all: he asked for it! And “illegal immigrants” aren’t really people, they’re something less than dogs and cats, so they don’t deserve the protection of our laws and our 14th Amendment (which speaks of “persons,” not “citizens.” The major Constitutional distinction between those classes is that the latter gets to vote; nothing more.), and should be hounded out of our country because we have no room for them, and no compassion, either. This is the country where dumping people from E.R.’s onto Skid Row is just good stewardship of public funds. This is now a country where we aren’t obligated to anyone but ourselves and our sense of justice, and if we want to shoot somebody, well that’s our God-given right because we have to defend ourselves from black children in hoodies by chasing them down behind a row of townhouses, or just to recover our property, because obviously personal property is more important than human life. Adventus

What if Trayvon Martin was a born again Christian white kid, and Zimmerman was a “black as the ace of spades” neighborhood watch captain? Does anyone out there think that the chain of events would have been the same? For all those white neighbors of mine who commented on the overactive crowds that rallied recently in Sanford, Florida: What if a sea of evangelist Christians and angry white folks marched and rallied over that same terrain? On the subject of “born again Christians”? The Great “What Ifs?”

Friday 30 March 2012

Black children in America are never innocent. Innocence looks like Dick and Jane, our bright-eyed tour guides through the idyll of green lawns, lazy bike rides down hop-scotched sidewalks, and the mystery meat treasure of sandboxes under blue skies that sparkle into eternity. From the 1930s into the 1960s Dick and Jane taught America how to read the American dream. Picture book primers with these two characters snaked through every schoolhouse from the Deep South to the rugged West of African American “Promised Land” reveries. Before the mainstreaming of phonics, the Dick and Jane primers were the first to provide sight reading instruction supposedly grounded in average everyday life. In their sun-kissed freckle-faced average-ness, Dick and Jane schooled America in the cultural literacy of suburbia and the holy trinity of nuclear family, heterosexual marriage, and white supremacy. Neat, well-dressed, ever-courteous, they established the template for a “normal” childhood of perfect single family homes in segregated subdivisions that would be tethered to the world’s largest interstate highway system in 1956. Father was breadwinning and boozing. Mother was homemaking and Easy-Off sniffing. Spot the family dog brooded faithfully at brother Dick’s side, primed to rip off the balls of any intruder. Government subsidized Federal Housing Administration (FHA) loans and GI Bill funded college educations smoothed the pathway for Dick and Jane’s nuclear bootstrapping. Black vets and black families needn’t apply. White Picket Fences, White Innocence

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