Sometimes you have to see it to believe...
LIMBAUGH: Here's [caller] in Lake Orion, Michigan. Thank you for calling. Great to have you on the EIB Network.
CALLER: Hey, Rush. It's great to talk to you. I talked to you once before. I've been listening to you for a couple of years now, and I think I'm getting brighter, but there's a lot to be learned. I know I'm no expert in foreign affairs, but what really confuses me about the liberals is the hypocrisy when they talk about how we have no reason to be in Iraq and helping those people, but yet everybody wants us to go to Darfur. I mean, aren't we going to end up in a quagmire there? I mean, isn't it -- I don't understand. Can you enlighten me on this?
LIMBAUGH: Yeah. This is -- you're not going to believe this, but it's very simple. And the sooner you believe it, and the sooner you let this truth permeate the boundaries you have that tell you this is just simply not possible, the better you will understand Democrats in everything. You are right. They want to get us out of Iraq, but they can't wait to get us into Darfur.
CALLER: Right.
LIMBAUGH: There are two reasons. What color is the skin of the people in Darfur?
CALLER: Uh, yeah.
LIMBAUGH: It's black. And who do the Democrats really need to keep voting for them? If they lose a significant percentage of this voting bloc, they're in trouble.
CALLER: Yes. Yes. The black population.
LIMBAUGH: Right. So you go into Darfur and you go into South Africa, you get rid of the white government there. You put sanctions on them. You stand behind Nelson Mandela -- who was bankrolled by communists for a time, had the support of certain communist leaders. You go to Ethiopia. You do the same thing.
CALLER: It's just -- I can't believe it's really that simple.
Aug 26th
John Whitehead: Is there a war on the Bill of Rights? Are our freedoms in jeopardy? For example, people are being labeled enemy combatants and jailed. They’re not allowed to see a lawyer. President Bush has pushed stealth legislation through Congress, which gives him the power to declare martial law for basically any reason. The President of the United States has bypassed the FISA court and allowed the National Security Agency to spy on domestic phone calls made by American citizens. The President advocated the Patriot Act. As a result of which, for example, FBI agents are showing up at people’s doors to investigate them and are intimidating them because they have anti-Bush posters. The FBI has gone to libraries demanding the names and records of people to find out what books they’re reading. There is a shroud of secrecy around the White House. People who work for the President, such as Alberto Gonzales, are called before Congress and refuse to answer questions. It seems to me that our Constitution is being undermined. What’s going on?
Bruce Fein: There certainly is a war on the Bill of Rights. It is more intense and successful, in a grim way, than the war against terrorism. And it is largely there because the President and members of Congress have artificially inflated the danger of international terrorism. I’m not suggesting that it isn’t a genuine danger, but it’s not World War II. It’s not the 3-million-man Red Army. It’s not 10,000 nuclear warheads that could destroy millions overnight. And by this artificial inflation, President Bush has sought to justify these extraordinary measures that depart from our most fundamental checks and balances and protections against government abuses—all of which have been hallmark protections since our country’s inception. Some of these rights, such as the privilege of habeas corpus, are simply the right to ask a clerk to decide whether a detainee is being held lawfully. This goes back eight centuries to the Magna Charta of 1215. But we’re abandoning these fundamental principles in order to create an atmosphere of fear and intimidation, which increases government power.
Aug 24th
AMY GOODMAN: Scott Horton has been closely following this story. He’s a Columbia Law professor and contributor to Harper’s magazine, where he writes the blog "No Comment." He joins us now in our firehouse studio here in New York. Welcome to Democracy Now!, Scott Horton. Tell us who Don Siegelman is.
SCOTT HORTON: Good to be with you. Well, Don Siegelman is the most important Democratic Party politician in Alabama in recent years. He was an electoral wonder, a figure who was able to command a good part of the vote even in the largely Republican south part of the state. He was elected to every major office that the state of Alabama had to offer. He was viewed essentially as the nemesis of the Republicans in Alabama.
AMY GOODMAN: And what happened?
SCOTT HORTON: It now looks increasingly like he was a target of a political vendetta that reached into and involved the Department of Justice in a political prosecution. And, in fact, we had a really astonishing development in this case back in May, when a Republican lawyer, Jill Simpson, who had been involved in the electoral campaign of his Republican opponent, Bob Riley, filed an affidavit, in which she described a conversation she had participated in with a man named William Canary. Now, he's a native New Yorker, actually, referred to frequently by Alabamians as “the carpetbagger,” who is a prominent Republican kingmaker in Alabama, the head of the Business Council of Alabama. And he stated in this conversation that he had talked to Karl, and Karl had spoken to the Department of Justice, and they didn't have to worry about Don Siegelman anymore. He was going to be taken care of. And he went on to say, “My girls are going to take care of Siegelman.”
Well, in fact, the US attorney who brought the case against Siegelman is Laura Canary, his wife, and the action was also joined in an earlier phase by Alice Martin, the US attorney in the Northern District of Alabama, a woman, by the way, who is currently under investigation for perjury, who also is very, very close to Canary. So this linked the case directly to Karl Rove and to political motivation. We took -- spent a lot of time looking at Simpson's affidavit, her motivation, and found it was really fully corroborated all across the board.
JUAN GONZALEZ: And you've written in one of your articles that you believe that the resistance of the White House to releasing the emails of Karl Rove may be, to a large degree, revolving around this case.
SCOTT HORTON: I think that's right. I mean, I think -- of course, this all came up on the national scene as a result of an investigation into the dismissal of eight US attorneys, in which Rove was deeply involved. Of course, subsequently, we’ve learned, it’s probably a dozen or more than a dozen, not just eight. But there clearly was resistance and concern about things that went on at a much earlier date, and this goes back was to 2002, late in the year. So this is, you know, perhaps the first well-documented case of deep involvement by Karl Rove in the prosecutorial process, in fact a stunningly corrupt involvement, I would say, using the prosecutorial machinery for a political purpose that staggering.
And here, I think, there was a double motive or maybe even a triple motive involved. It involved eliminating the most important, most powerful Democratic figure in the state from political contention. It involved also dealing with the corporate corruption issue, because, remember, HealthSouth was big on the agenda. And, in fact, Richard Scrushy had been a major funder of the Republicans in Alabama. So this was a way of diverting attention. It also involved redirecting resources, which in that state had been following the Abramoff case. They were taken off of that investigation, which promised to involve leading Republican politicians, and instead they were directed at Siegelman.
Aug 24th
AMY GOODMAN: What do you think of Senator Levin calling for the Maliki and the whole government to disband?
NIR ROSEN: Well, it’s stupid for several reasons. First of all, the Iraqi government doesn’t matter. It has no power. And it doesn’t matter who you put in there. He’s not going to have any power. Baghdad doesn’t really matter, except for Baghdad. Baghdad used to be the most important city in Iraq, and whoever controlled Baghdad controlled Iraq. These days, you have a collection of city states: Mosul, Basra, Baghdad, Kirkuk, Irbil, Sulaymaniyah. Each one is virtually independent, and they have their own warlords and their own militias. And what happens in Baghdad makes no difference. So that’s the first point.
Second of all, who can he put in instead? What does he think he’s going to put in? Allawi or some secular candidate? There was a democratic election, and the majority of Iraqis selected the sectarian Shiite group Dawa, Supreme Council of Islamic Revolution, the Sadr Movement. These are movements that are popular among the majority of Shias, who are the majority of Iraq. So it doesn’t matter who you put in there. And people in the Green Zone have never had any power. Americans, whether in the government or journalists, have been focused on the Green Zone from the beginning of the war, and it’s never really mattered. It’s been who has power on the street, the various different militias, depending on where you are -- Sunni, Shia, tribal, religious, criminal. So it just reflects the same misunderstanding of Iraqi politics. The government doesn’t do anything, doesn’t provide any services, whether security, electricity, health or otherwise. Various militias control various ministries, and they use it as their fiefdoms. Ministries attack other ministries
Aug 21st
AMY GOODMAN: On the issue of eavesdropping, Glenn Greenwald, can you talk about how this affects the telephone companies?
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, it affects the telephone companies in several ways. For one, it makes it compulsory for telephone companies to gather and collect data and make available to the federal government whatever information the federal government compels them to make available. And secondly, and I think more importantly, one of the principal ways that the advocacy groups and civil rights groups have attempted to hold the administration accountable is by suing the telecom companies for violating privacy rights and breaking the law in their complicity with these illegal programs, and the legislation that was just passed by the Democratic congress makes it -- it essentially bestows onto these telephone companies and telecom companies an immunity from any liability, even if they act illegally, based on the premise that they’re doing so at the behest of George Bush.
AMY GOODMAN: And what does it mean for what they have done in the past, the scandal breaking out in the country when it was learned that companies were allowing the Bush administration to come in and monitor, put eavesdropping bugs on the major switches in phone companies in places like San Francisco?
GLENN GREENWALD: Well, the legislation does not expressly provide retroactive immunity from criminality. And so, if the President and his administration and private telecommunication companies have in the past broken the law -- and, as Marjorie said, we know they have, the warrantless eavesdropping by itself is a felony under federal law -- there is still the opportunity, at least theoretically, for the Department of Justice, certainly not under Alberto Gonzales, but under a subsequent attorney general, to criminally investigate both telecommunication companies and political officials who have engaged in that felonious behavior. But what this legislation does, as a practical matter, is make that sort of accountability virtually impossible, because now there is a bipartisan and congressional stamp of approval on this behavior.
Aug 6th